The Turkish pro-government newspaper “Sabah” argues that “the reinstatement of the 5+1 format for the Cyprus issue” raises questions about whether a new round of talks on the Cyprus issue can begin and, above all, on what basis any new negotiations might take place.
At the center of the debate is the position put forward in recent years by Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot side regarding “sovereign equality” and a two-state solution, in contrast to the agreed-upon basis for a solution—a bizonal, bicommunal federation—supported by the Greek Cypriot side and provided for in the relevant UN resolutions, reports “Sabah.”
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Speaking to “Sabah,” Associate Professor of International Law Emete Giyozuyuzeli linked the timing to broader geopolitical developments in the Eastern Mediterranean.
She argued that tensions in the region, energy exploration, and defense cooperation between Greece and the Republic of Cyprus with other countries make the resumption of diplomatic engagement all the more necessary.
She adopted particularly critical language regarding previous efforts at resolution and argued that Guterres’s references to “method, content, and preparation” should be interpreted as the need to first agree on the basis for any future process.
Giozougiuzeli argued that the position of Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot side regarding two states and “sovereign equality” now constitutes the key reference point for Ankara.
At the same time, she described Turkish guarantees in Cyprus as “non-negotiable,” arguing that they constitute a key security element for Turkish Cypriots.
According to the Turkish academic, the difference compared to previous rounds of talks is that Turkey now believes it has more strategic and diplomatic tools at its disposal in the region.
She cited, among other things, Turkey’s energy activities in the Black Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as Ankara’s role in Libya and Syria, arguing that all of these have strengthened Turkey’s position at the negotiating table.
The Turkish side attaches particular importance to the 5+1 format, as it includes the two sides in Cyprus, the three guarantor countries—Greece, Turkey, and the United Kingdom—and the United Nations.
Giozuyuzeli asserted that Turkey would participate in any new process while insisting both on its guarantee rights and on the presence of Turkish forces on the island.
The “Sabah” article also refers to energy developments in the Eastern Mediterranean, with the Turkish academic arguing that maritime zones, drilling operations, and energy projects cannot be separated from the Cyprus issue.
She also reiterated the Turkish position that Turkish Cypriots should participate in the management and distribution of hydrocarbon revenues.
As possible confidence-building measures, Giyozuguzeli mentioned the launch of direct flights to the occupied areas, the lifting of restrictions on ports in the occupied territories, and the creation of a joint committee on energy revenues.
Despite this new momentum, the scholar assessed that it is still too early to speak of the launch of a comprehensive process to resolve the Cyprus issue.
She characterized the current phase more as a period of “diplomatic contacts,” during which the sides are exploring whether there is common ground to move the process forward.
In her assessment, a potential failure could lead the Turkish side to intensify its efforts to secure international recognition of the pseudo-state, while as a second scenario she mentioned the discussion of “models of cooperation between two separate entities.”
The coming period—and especially the talks scheduled for late August—are therefore expected reveal whether this new momentum will be limited to yet another round of exploratory talks or whether the conditions for a new diplomatic process will be created, the report notes.
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Source: CNA
