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26.10.2026
INTERNATIONAL
08:07

What is the “Student List” that defeated Vučić in the Serbian elections?

The movement that emerged from the protests over the 16 deaths in novi sad and came to power without a traditional political leader
ALPHANEWSLIVE


The victory of the “Student List” in the early parliamentary elections held on October 25 in Serbia marks the electoral culmination of a movement that began in the universities, spread to the country’s largest cities, and succeeded in transforming social discontent into organized political representation. The result led Aleksandar Vučić to concede defeat, following a long period of political dominance by the Serbian Progressive Party.

The winning electoral list is not a traditional political party. It is a broad coalition of citizens, academics, scientists, artists, activists, and other prominent figures, formed on the initiative of the student movement. Among the 250 candidates is one of the most recognizable Serbs in Greece, the former captain of the national basketball team and former Panathinaikos player, Dejan Bodiroga.

According to estimates by the independent organization CRTA, the Student List garnered 51.47% of the vote, compared to 40.42% for the “Aleksandar Vučić – United Serbia” coalition. The Ipsos/CeSID projection gave the Student List approximately 138 of the 250 seats in the National Assembly. These are election-night estimates and not yet final, certified results.

From the 16 deaths in Novi Sad to the challenge to authority

The movement’s origins date back to November 1, 2024. On that day, the roof of the train station in Novi Sad collapsed, killing 16 people. The accident, which occurred at a station that had undergone renovation work, sparked outrage and raised questions about the quality of public works, contracting procedures, and the responsibilities of government officials.

The initial protests focused on uncovering the circumstances of the tragedy. Soon, however, they took on broader political dimensions. The students demanded the release of documents related to the station’s reconstruction, accountability, the protection of protesters from attacks, and increased funding for universities.

In November 2024, an attack on students participating in a silent protest in Belgrade led to the occupation of university faculties. Over the following weeks, the protests spread to much of the higher education sector.

The government claimed it had responded to the protesters’ demands. The students disputed that any substantive responses had been provided. The confrontation gradually evolved into a broader conflict over corruption, the independence of the judiciary, and the exercise of power.

In March 2025, one of the largest rallies in the country’s modern history took place in Belgrade. An independent counting team estimated attendance at 275,000 to 325,000 people, while the Ministry of the Interior reported a significantly lower figure. The discrepancy in the estimates also reflects just how hotly contested the political significance of the protests was.

A political organization without a traditional leader

A distinctive feature of the student movement was its decision-making process. Instead of a central leader and a permanent leadership, the students relied on faculty assemblies, known as plenums, where key decisions were discussed and voted on.

This structure allowed the movement to maintain a degree of autonomy from the existing opposition parties. At the same time, it made it difficult for the government to pin the conflict on a single opponent.

In May 2025, the students called for early elections. The transition from protest to the electoral process, however, required a fundamental shift in strategy. A movement without a traditional party hierarchy had to present specific candidates, a political platform, and individuals capable of assuming governmental responsibilities.

This led to the creation of “Studentska lista – Studenti pobeđuju,” or “Student List – Students Win.”

The students themselves decided not to include fellow students on the ballot, instead selecting individuals from society with diverse professional and academic backgrounds. They also excluded individuals who had participated in the governing coalition or had served as officials in the parliamentary opposition.

The electoral commission approved the slate after 69,099 certified signatures of support were submitted—a number far exceeding the 10,000 required by law.

Who Is on the Student List

Ilija Srdanović, a professor at the Medical School in Novi Sad and a cardiologist, was placed at the top of the ballot. His placement at the top of the list does not automatically mean that he has been selected for the position of prime minister.

The ticket includes actor Tihomir Stanić, former governor of the National Bank of Serbia Dejan Soškić, sociologist Jovo Bakić, activist Zlatko Kokanović, known for his opposition to the lithium mining project in the Jadar region, as well as academics, engineers, and lawyers
.
The composition of the list reflects the movement’s effort to attract voters beyond the narrow confines of academia, by forming a coalition that combines social activism with professional experience.

Dejan Bodiroga and His Political Involvement

Bodiroga’s relationship with the Student List is direct and institutionally defined. He did not limit himself to publicly supporting the student protests, but ran as a candidate for parliament in the October 25 elections, occupying the 24th spot on the ticket. If the projections of more than 130 seats are confirmed, his election to the Serbian Parliament is guaranteed by his position on the ticket.

His support for the movement had been evident long before the election campaign. As early as December 2024, he had described the students’ protests as intelligent, dignified, and courageous. This stance was particularly significant, as Bodiroga is a widely recognized figure in Serbia, without having linked his public image to the leadership of a traditional political party.

On election day, the former Panathinaikos star cast his vote at the polling station at the School of Chemistry in Belgrade. Speaking to reporters, he argued that Serbia is fighting for its freedom and for the return of the state to its citizens. Referring to the massive turnout at the polls, he stated that Serbs had already shown in recent months the direction they wanted their country to take.

The slogan he chose was clear: “Students are winning for a better Serbia.”

His participation has a second dimension as well. Bodiroga is not the head of the Student List, nor has he been announced as a candidate for prime minister. His presence serves as a link between the movement and a segment of Serbian society that recognizes him as an internationally successful athlete with a high public profile. This does not mean that his personal political views necessarily align with those of all the candidates on the list.

The most interesting aspect of the Student List is that its electoral unity is not based on a single ideological identity. The movement has brought together individuals and voters with diverse political views around a common goal: combating corruption and changing the way state institutions operate.

Its platform includes proposals to strengthen the independence of the judiciary, combat illicit enrichment, strengthen oversight mechanisms, transparency in public procurement, and addressing social problems. It also includes commitments to provide free textbooks and lower the prices of medications.

However, on some of the most important foreign policy issues, the Student List chose not to adopt particularly detailed or binding positions.

According to an analysis by the Polish Center for Eastern Studies (OSW), published on October 21, the group’s political platform has three key characteristics:

  • European Union: No unified and absolutely clear position on European integration has been formulated. The party’s slate includes figures who support European integration, as well as candidates with different approaches.
  • Russia: The movement had announced that it does not intend to impose sanctions on Moscow after taking power, thereby maintaining a key element of Serbian policy to date.
  • Kosovo: The Student List invokes the Serbian Constitution, which treats Kosovo as an integral part of Serbia. It has not adopted a policy of recognizing Kosovo’s independence.

This is particularly significant for assessing the election results. Vučić’s defeat does not automatically equate to a change in Serbia’s geopolitical direction. The new parliamentary majority was formed primarily around domestic governance issues, not around a common position on Russia, the EU, or Kosovo.

What the Election Victory Means for Serbia

The result of October 25 creates a new political reality, though it does not yet answer all the questions about what comes next. According to initial estimates, the Student List has secured enough seats to form a government. However, it has not yet officially announced who will assume the role of prime minister.

The absence of a central leader—which served as a defining feature of the movement during the protests—takes on a different significance following the elections. Parliamentary governance requires a specific division of responsibilities, government coordination, and decisions on issues on which the candidates do not necessarily share common views.

Political change takes on added significance due to Serbia’s position in the Balkans. Belgrade has traditionally maintained close ties with Russia, seeks economic cooperation with the European Union, and continues to view Kosovo as a matter of national sovereignty. The Student List has not presented a comprehensive alternative foreign policy model, a fact that limits reliable predictions about its future diplomatic moves.

Dejan Bodiroga’s presence in the new parliamentary lineup is characteristic of its composition. An athlete associated with some of Serbian basketball’s greatest successes is now participating as a candidate in a political effort that emerged from the university protests. He is not the movement’s leading figure, but he is one of its most recognizable faces.

The real test for the Student List begins after the results are certified: whether a movement formed to challenge the establishment can transform itself into a cohesive parliamentary majority and implement the institutional reforms it promised.

Source: Proto Thema

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